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                <text>Asbestos&#13;
Occupational safety&#13;
Iron &amp; steel workers&#13;
Shipbuilders&#13;
Construction workers&#13;
Labor movement&#13;
Nonprofit organizations&#13;
Maryland&#13;
Maryland--Baltimore&#13;
Public Health</text>
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                  <text>This collection documents the history of the Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual and Transgender Community Center of Baltimore and Central Maryland (GLCCB) between 1979 and 2015. The bulk of the analog archival collection held at University of Baltimore Special Collections &amp; Archives is a set of "Gay Life" newspapers dating from 1979 to 2014. The collection also includes GLCCB program files, GLCCB photographs and posters, Pride festival planning records and ephemera, artifacts from the former community center on Chase Street and The Hippo nightclub, and memorabilia from the community. Also present are nine video (digital files) oral history interviews conducted in 2012 for the Center's 35th anniversary. &#13;
&#13;
The Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender Community Center of Baltimore and Central Maryland was founded in 1977 in Baltimore, Maryland as the Gay Community Center of Baltimore (GCCB). In 1985, the Center's name changed to the Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender Community Center of Baltimore (GLCCB). Over the years the Center has provided outreach, education, and services to the community, including a health clinic, regular printings of the GCCB newsletter which eventually became the Baltimore Gay Paper (BGP) and was later titled "Gay Life," the annual Pride celebration in Baltimore City, and more. In February 2019, the Center changed its name to the Pride Center of Maryland.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://archivesspace.ubalt.edu/repositories/2/resources/199" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual and Transgender Community Center of Baltimore and Central Maryland Records&lt;/a&gt; (R0151-GLCCB), University of Baltimore Special Collections &amp;amp; Archives.</text>
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                  <text>The GLCCB retains ownership, full copyright, and all other rights with respect to this collection.&#13;
&#13;
The creator of the nine oral history interviews in this collection, Denise Duarte, retains all copyright and/or related rights to those interviews. Dr. Marlene J. Adrian served as videographer during the creation of the video interviews. UB Special Collections &amp; Archives provides viewing and online streaming access for educational and research purposes only. Contact staff for more information</text>
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                <text>"Voices from the Front," the first feature-length documentary on AIDS activism in America, provides an up-close view of the emotional and political effects of community activism through the experiences of those directly engaged. It is a powerful distillation, in pictures and words, of events organized to change public consciousness, expose the failure of the health care system, and challenge government inaction and neglect concerning AIDS.</text>
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                <text>A &lt;a href="https://www.frameline.org/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Frameline&lt;/a&gt; Release</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;a href="https://archivesspace.ubalt.edu/repositories/2/resources/199"&gt;Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual and Transgender Community Center of Baltimore and Central Maryland Records&lt;/a&gt; (R0151-GLCCB), University of Baltimore Special Collections &amp;amp; Archives.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>The GLCCB retains ownership, full copyright, and all other rights with respect to this collection.&#13;
&#13;
The creator of the nine oral history interviews in this collection, Denise Duarte, retains all copyright and/or related rights to those interviews. Dr. Marlene J. Adrian served as videographer during the creation of the video interviews. UB Special Collections &amp; Archives provides viewing and online streaming access for educational and research purposes only. Contact staff for more information.&#13;
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,

BALTIMORE UNDER SIEGE
THE IMPAct OF FINANCING ON
THE BALTIMORE IfOoIE BUYER

(l960 1970)

Publlahed by
ActIVISTS, INC.

2316 W. North Ave.
Baltl.ore, Md. 21216

Septellber, 1971

�PREFACE

•

This r.port i. the third i. a •• ri.s of comput.r-ba •• d .tudi ••
of the .xploltatlon of black ra.lll •• In the purche •• or .belt.r
during the 1960'..

Th. flr.t dated S.pt.ab.r of 1970 docuaent. the

hou.ing tax which the black ra.lly buying fro. a r.al e.tat. coapany
had to pay over and abov. the pric .. paid by whit. faalU .. purchaalng
co-parabl. city hou.lng.

The •• cond .tudy publl.h.d In F.bruary of

1971 docuaent. the cooperation of Jeff.r.on Fed.ral Saving. and Loan
A.aociatlon with the housing explolt.r; It .how. thet In the year.
1965 through 1969 J.fferson l.nt ov.r 90% of Ita city .ortgag• .on.y •
• oae

2~

.Illion dollar•• to r.al e.tat. co.panl •• or to fa.lll •• bUYing

fro. real •• tat. coapanl •• at .xploltatlv. prlc•••
This study goes into the activity of
88ving. and loan..

S0a8

.tat. ohert.red

Th. data indlcat•• thet .any of the.e as.oclation.

violate th.lr charter. and the law by lending conald.rabl. aaount. of
.ortgag • .oney not only to faalUe. buying fro. Inve.tora but to Inv•• tor. th.... lv...

A•• oclatlon aon.y proaot •• slualord. and .xploltatlon

whU. I t is denied to fa ..1 U •• buying on the ordinary _rut.

Moreover •

.any of th••• a •• oclation • •xlst In a conflict of Intere.t envlron..nt
wh.re the po.slbllitl •• for •• If- d.allng aaong .snag...nt create d.ng.r.
for th•••
Th• .ortgag. l.ndlng pollci •• of Equltabl. Tru.t Co.pany are
.lso studied.

In the report on ETC and the as.oclation •• data for

1968. the la.t big y.ar for whe.llng and d.allng in real •• tat. in
8altl.or•• wa. cho••n a. indicative of the bu.in••• of tbs •• In.titutlon.
I

�during the .ixtie..

ETC' • .ortgage busiae.a during 1970 . .a a1.0

atudied a. a .1ight indication ot the .hift vhich hea taken place in

•

it. attitude toward .pecu1ation.
THE INCREASE IN BLACK OWNER- OCCUPIED DWELLINGS
During the 1960'. there va. an increa.e ot 6,671 * !ft the nu.ber
of dwelling. owner occupied by black fa.ilie..

In ette.pting to get

.0.. idea of how the.e hou.es were bought, ve .hou1d tate into consideration
the 4,000 hou.e. bought by the .. jor .pecu1ator. during the decade.
The extent of their activity .can be seen in the acco.penying table
(.ee p. iii), not tully pub1i.hed heretotore.
We would estimate that during the sixtie. only \ to 1/3
ot the black tamilie. vh. purcha •• d h.... in Baltimor. vera ab1. to
buy at a t.ir ..rket pric..

This .stimat. h

boIsed pertly 011 our studias

and partly on two yoars experience ot the data.
FINANCIAL RoorS OF THE PROBLEM
The root of the problem is tinancia1.
ta.ilie. can obtain financing.

The in... tors and not

For exa.ple, Morri. Goldseker wa. able

to borrow 10; .illion dollars between January of 1965 and the end ot
1968.

The source of this money i. a. follow.:
Maryland National Bank
Uptown Federal SLA
Equitable Trust Bank
"r.t Nati_l Bank of Md.
NattOIlal City Bank ot Baltimore
(now Suburban Tru.t)

1,639,750
1,059,650
1,168,350
700,150
253,450

Gold.. ker al.o borrowed 5; .illion dollar. during this ti .. (pert in
late 1964) from Manutacturer'. Life In.urance Company ot Canada.

;--

ETC

Ba.ed on data of the U.S. Bureau of the Cen.u.. It .. y be inaccurate
.ince ta.ilie. on lea.e and option contract. are otten fraudulently
told thet they are home owner. by the landlord &amp;Ad then report this
in the cen.us.
11

�•

"_e.
Solei

2
3
Average Puroha.e Average Sale
Price ot re.old
Price ot re.old
Hou.ea
lleu.e.

"_e.1
Bought

Puroha.e
Price

1,678

10,853,767

742

9,427,723

6,868

12,706

85%

Louh Singer

446

2,930,897

250

2,975,578

6,458

11 ,903

84%

Valter and Al Becker

264

1,826,606

106

1,308,008

7,248

12,340

70%

Stanley E. Suga~
(~. Sea.an, C. capl~

388

2,824,790

148

1,302,273

5,371

8,79'

63%

Morrh Wolf
(J. Prled. .n)

416

2,824,890

300

3,351,865

6,974

12,290

60%

Walter Kinan
(A. Applete1d,
". J. Gerber)

440

3,243,767

247

2,998,646

7,683

12,140

58%

Anthany Piccinini

313

2,498,160

152

1,823,972

7,775

12,000

54%

4

Speculator.

Morrl. Gold.eter

..
..

Sale
Price

Average
Markup

1. Mou.e. bought by the •• men In the tittle. or earlier and .old In the .ixtl •• are not Included.
2. Incr...ed ground rent ha. been capltallzed and tlgured In. It previoualy exhting ground rent h
capltalhed and tigured In, than the average purcha.e prlc•• and the average sal. -.prlce • • hould be
ral.ed about eight hundred dollar ••
3. Our pren_ .tudie. ahow that the •••ale prlc•• are three to tour thouaand aba.. the tair .. rket
.,.lue.

_.t

4. The co.puter data ba •• , an which thh page 1a ba •• d, c ...tain. 60,000 property tran.ter.. P'or Jan.
1960 to the .nd ot 1964 It cCX\taln. the 17 cen.us tract. whera there va.
racial change.
P'or Jan. 1965 to Dec 31, 1968 It cantain. the .hol. city.

�wa. the local .gont tor thlo co.pany.

lldge Garden., Ino., •

de"elop.ant In Saltl_re County, wa. put up tor .ecurlty•

•

COMMEICIAL BANKS
The Ralph Nader .tudy ot Firat NetlClftal City Sank ot New York,
put.lhhed thb . _ r undor tho dlrectlOll ot Da"ld Lalnadort, brought
out the t.ct that c_rclal banb cantrol 75%
to tholr 8ORopoly ot chocking .ccount..
their lending pollcla. dataralne tha
lifo.

.t .... n.bl. _ ey due

Bec.u.e of thl. coatrol

~uallty

of .ach of our natlGDOl

For ex&amp;.pla, baaka _y daclda to flnanca blgg.r .Irplana. rather

than haulag.
A. ana of the. . c_rclal baaka, ETC greatly .rtecta tho
~uallty

of Ilfa In Saltl.ore.

To tho city'. datrl . .nt ETC has • policy

of _king _rtg.ga loan. anly •• fa"or. to 1t.
a.ployaa. of choice customer..

0Im

e.ployae. or to

It doe. not tlnanca olty f ••llia.

awn though It t.b. In the _ey of city peopla at Ita branches and
.ct• • • • dapoaltory for fedoral, .t.te and city fund..

Eftn

8OrO

de_glng to the city than thh naglact of faalU . . , ETC cooper.tad vlth
.xplolt.tiOll by buying the aortg.ga. of exploit.ti"•••"lng• •nd loan.
lib Jeffaroon Federol .nd t.y landing _ey directly to exploiter••
THE IOU: OF tHE FEDERAL GOVDNMENT
the Fedaral COftrn-.at trl •• to pr_t. h _ Gllmer.hlp In
Indirect way..

It _b. tho c_rclal banka pay • Uttlo 1... intare.t

an ..nng. dapoalta than the ..nng. and loan ••• ocl.tl . . I. the hope
that _ay will be dlwrt.d lato ••• ocl.tlOll .ccount • •nd than Into
aortgaga loan. by the.e •••ocl.tl....

Tha Fader.l GoYernaont .1.0

.et. up .ub.ldlsed .acClftd.ry _rbt., like tho Fedar.l Netloaal
Mortg.ga A•• ocl.tlon, to buy _reg.ge • •ReI thoreby _ b .ore _ay

iv

�.~tl.ble

tor ha.. ttaanctag.

But the.e lndtrect _thod. do not work.

For elUI8ple , t he c_-

_ret.l banlta otter uny .ernce., have branche., and haft • lIOI\opoly
ot cbecktag .COedDt..

Such .ttr.ctton. drew .any people to " "e In

the. r.ther than the ...... ag. and 10lUl ••• eol.tl_••
Nader .nd Latn.dorf .uggen that the Fedenl

G_~nt

.ct

directly .nd foree the co..eret.l banka to .ern netghborhoed people.
They

rec~d

that 2/3 of the banka' ...... ng• •ccount lIOI\.y ( • • _11

part of t hetr •••• t ••• bout 25% tn the c••• of ETC) go Into .crtg.g.
tlnanclag .

w.

.pecal.t or..

rec~d

The

thet tt go Into tlnanctag t ••llle. and not

g_~t

could do thl. by •• ttlng • law l nt.r•• t

r.te t o ba patd on Hvtng •• CCOUDta by c_retd banka i t t hey did
not In,,e.t 2/3 ot their ...... ng•• ccount aoney In

h~

buylag lOIUl ••

Tht. would cau•• the lIOI\ey to flow to In.tttutl_. whtch dt d .ern
the c _ l ty.
CONCWSIOtI

In thl. third .tudy w• • re getting to the gut. of the _ tt.r.
Th. c ....rel.1 bank., bec.u•• ot th.tr prl"tl.g•• , ha". an obllg.tlon
to the ca..unlty.

Ju.t •• working cl••• peopl. turn to the c....rel.l

banka •• d.poa ltort •• for th.lr HYing., they au.t be .bl. t o obt.ln

tro- the c .... rcl.1 bank. credtt .t • t.lr prlc••

w xpect
••

In.tltutl_. Itke ETC to exaadn. th. l r I.ndlng poltcl •••

Wo n••d not ..ntton that cooper.tlon for prottt wt t h the .xplolter•
...t be c08pI.t.ly .topped.

But _ch _re ta need. d .

tba dty n.ed po.lttv•••"lc•• In the .re. of h_

The peopl. of

tlnanclng.

Since

their .an.y I_ gl.dly .ccepted .t ETC, I.t ETC g ladly ottor .crtg.g•

••mc•••

"

�If the prIIctlo. . d.acrlbed In thh ad __ prllYioua etudl.a

tln_. It will 0II1y be a _tter ot t l . betore the olty h

00ll-

d. .t~.

Par e.ploltetlan plac.a d.atructlve and dlaorgeal.lag prIIaaura an ta.tly
atructurea and atability and

OIl

clty n.lghborhooda.

8altl_ra ahould be a beautiful place to lIva. to grow. ad t.
work.

It

CUI

anly be auch It _

prIIa.rw. aerve. and aourhh our _ t

prIICloua reaeyrce. people aDd taadlt.a.
Ve wtah to thank George Bur. who did the atudy ot the atat. ohartered ..Ying and loan a .. octattaoa. and Edward Dougherty who dtd the
aUdy of Iqultllb·.&lt;:,

Trus::" s

'DOr~g"i~

l 'mdl ag In the ctty.

Sarapson Green
Chalr-an. ActlYiata. Inc.
John Hartlne.
Co~halr-an. Houalag
Aotl.,tata. IIlc.

Auguat 25. 1971

C~tt.e.

�TABLE OF
----- - - CONTENTS

Preface. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . • . i

Introduc tio n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . • . . • . . . . . . . . .. 1

I - Savings and Loan Assoc iations ....... .. .... ... .. ... ............. 4
Genera 1 View.. . .................. . .. . ... ... ......... .. .... . 4
St. Casimir's ... . . .... . .... .. . • ........ . . .... ... .... . . ..... 8
New Michael's ..... .. ... •...... . ....... . .. .. .......... . ....• 10
Other Associations ....... ... ........... ....... ... .......... 11
Recommendations . ..... . .. ... .... . ..•...... . .... . .. . ... ... .. . 12
Da ta ... .. . . . . . .. .. . . .. . .............. . .... . ••. ... .. . . .. ... . 16

II - Equi tab Ie Trus t Bank . .... ..... . . ...................... .. ....... 24
General View . . .. ... ..... .. ... ..... . •... .•. .. ......... . .. .. . 24
Recommendatio ns . . .. . . . . .. ... ...............•.....•. . ....... 26
Data ... . . . . . . .. ........... ... ........ .... .•. . .... . . ........ 27

�INTRODUCTION

Anyone familiar with the teeming tenement conditions of a

•

city like New York can understand the pride with which Baltimore looks
on its own housing.

Even with the increasing number of apartment

pr ojects Baltimore remains a city of neighborhoods of one and two family
dwellings.

Underneath the neighborhood facade, however, housing has

experienced a subtle but cataclysmic change during the sixties.

After

a post-d ep ressi on period of steady increase, the percentage of owneroccupied dwelling units declined from 54 .3% in 1960 to 44.5% in 1970.
The drop is roughly equivalent to that experienced during the depression
and puts the percentage of home owne rship in Baltimore down almost
to the level of 1940.
This decline in home ownership is not directly related to
the increase in black population for the percentage of ownership among
both black and white decreased significantly.

In fact, black families

increased their number of owner-occupied units some 25 % in the decade but
due to the increasing need of housing among blacks, this increase of
25%, as a percentage of the total number of black-occupied units, is
actually a decrease from 34.5% in 1960 to 30.1% in 1970.

White families

have always received preferential treatment from real estate services
and since the depression the mortgage assistance of the FHA.

These

advantages, however, were to no avail in the city during the si x ties
when home ownership by white families declined from a high of 62.5% in
1960 to 54.2% of their dwelling units in 1970.

The increase in the

number of rented units in the city during the decade comes to about
35,000 while the decrease of owner-occu pi e d units amounts to about
22,000.

(see Table I)

- 1 -

�- 2 -

It is probably impossible to analyse adequately the complex
array of circumstances which is transforming Baltimore into a tenant

•

community.

One deterrent to the black family's purchase of property

has surely been a fear of getting entangled with the exploiter, a
situation which now strains the energies of thousands of black buyers.
But even if a black family desires to buy a home on the just housing
market, he often remains at the mercy of a mortgage money market which
has shown itself anxious to finance the exploiter and the real estate
investor while at the same time denying mortgage money to families.
During the sixties it was nearly impossible for a black family to finance
a modest home without paying unjust fees.

In "serving" the black com-

munity the mortgage money institution controls a scarce resource.

Like

medieval lords exacting heavy tolls on road and river traffic, the
institution and its management are able to exact the toll of points,
origination fees, appraisal fees, and the like.

Often it will try to

lend a family money for repairs over and above what is needed to purchase
the home Simply. because its policies eliminate lending under $10,000.00
to families while at the same time exploiters and property holders find
ready access to sums of money of any size.

What extra profits accrue

to lending institutions involved in this type of business penalize the
city resident over and above any reasonable responsibility to shareholders or stockholders.

Sometimes, in fact, the extra profits, by way

of cash or influence, are pocketed directly by the management.

In

such a way the powerful instrument of mortgage money aids the transformation of Baltimore into an exploited tenant community; only a just
distribution of mortgage money back into the city from which it comes
can reverse this trend.

�- 3 The lion's share of mortgage money fi nancing the transfer
of housing during the sixties comes from three s ources: the building,

•

savings and loan associations , the commercial and mutual savings banks
and the mortgage investment companies.

Each institution among the

several hundred institutions in the city chooses from a variety of
specialized investment po licies.

As an example of such a choice a

mortgage investment company might choose to limit its mortgage lending
to families buying new homes in federally insured or subsidized projects.
Or a savings and loan might choose to lend money almost exc lusively to
landlords or, as was the case with Jefferson Federa l Savings and Loan
Association in the sixties, to families buying from real estate companies at exploitative prices.

Each policy remains flexible but a

given institution over a limited amount of time can gene rall y be
classified by . the speciali zed type of financing which it undertakes.
If many mortgage institutions in our city adopt th e same policy, whole
segments of its citizens can be effect ively exploited or effectively
blacklisted.

In the past fears of deterioration caused a black listing

by geography, a self-fulfilling mechanism for turning whole inner city
areas into slums.

Other more subtle forms of blacklisting are now

being practiced: Mortgage institutions blacklist whit e or black families
in such a way as to steer them to the neighborhood s in which they will
create the greatest instability; they also blacklist th e working-class
family by making it difficult for them to ob tain small amounts of
mortgage money for the purchase of urban homes.
The following sections survey only a small grou p o f lending
institutions.

In the first section some building, savings and loan

associations are evaluated with mixed results.

Associations like St. Casimir's

show that mortgage lending can be both just and profitable.

A·group

of state-chartered associations, however, with some inter-locking

�- 4 leadership, did a majority of its lending to investors or families buying
from speculators.

New Michael's, one of these state institutions, is

shown to have a business policy in 1968 in sharp contrast to St. Casimir's.
In the second section Equitable Trust Bank is identified as a strong
supporter of the real estate speculator and investor while it consistently
blacklisted the city family.

I. SAVINGS AND LOAN ASSOCIATIONS

At the beginning of the depression over half the dwelling
units in Baltimore City were owner-occupied.

The ability of families

to own their own homes was due in no small measure to the building and
loan associations which dotted the city neighborhoods.

Churches,

fraternal associations and ethnic groups organized associations so
that members could buy a piece of the city following a model that in
this country dates back to 1831.

An historical marker erected in 1931

in the Frankford section of Philadelphia commemorates the first association in the United States, the Oxford Provident Building Association,
and the contribution of all associations "to the extension of home
ownership and to the consequent strengthening of the ideals of individual liberty on the basis of the family dwelling."
The mere sound of the names of the associations in Baltimore
instilled confidence into the hearts of immigrant groups adjusting to
the American way: Bohemian Building and Loan, Garibaldi, St. Casimir's,
Kosciuszko, Slovan and Germania to name a few.

In those days a friendly

neighborhood atmosphere was not difficult to maintain.

One factor leading

to the neighborhood atmosphere may have been the laissez faire manner in which the local savings and loan could operate.

Up to 1961

Maryland's saving and loan industry successfully fought the creation of
its own state regulatory agency.

Such a lack of regulation, in contrast

�- 5 -

to all other states save Alaska, may have fostered a neighborhood
atmosphere but it also invited speculative interests into the state

•
to take advantage of what one new entrant called "the last frontier of
free enterprise in America."

The state industry found itself threatened

by the competition and the instability of these associations established
by outsiders.
threatening.

The instability of some local ass ociations was also
For these reasons the associations on the whole supported

the foundation of the State Building, Savings and Loan Assoc iation
Commission.

Its main effort is directed thr ough the monitoring of

association leadership and practice to the preventi on of association
failure and the c onsequent loss of public confidence in all state
associations.

There is evidence below, however, that the industry

needs more careful supervision in order t o carry out the stated purpose
of state regulation:
The savings and l oan business has so expanded in
recent years and has become so integrated with
the financial institutions of this state and is
so important as a method of promoting home ownership and thrift, that such business is affected with
a public interest and shall be supervised as a
business affecting the economic security and general
welfare of the people of this state (State of
Maryland Annotated Code, 23, section 144.).
The code follows the legal traditi on of the state in noting that the
purpose of the building and l oan ass ociati on is the promo tion of "home
ownership and thrift."

In a 1923 judgment a Baltimore Circuit Court

stated that "the distinguishing mark of a building ass oc iation is the
loan of money to its members to be used in the purchase of real and
leasehold property, usuall y for homes of the borrowing members ... "
(Lakeview Building and Loan Association vs . Beyer, 4 Balto. City Reports
177 , 178 (1923).

In a more recent opininion delivered by the chief

�- 5 -

to all other states save Alaska, ma y have fostered a neighborhood
atmosphere but it als o invited speculative interests into the state

•
to take advantage of what one new entrant called "the last frontier of
free enterprise in America ."

The state industry found itself threatened

by the competition and the instability of these ass ociations established
by outsiders.
threatening.

The instability of some local ass ocia t ions was also
For these reasons th e associations on the whole supported

the f oundation of the State Building, Savings and Loan Association
Commission.

Its main effort is directed thr ough the monitoring of

association leadership and practice to the pr evention of association
failure and the consequent loss of public confidence in all state
associations.

There is evidence below, however, that the industry

needs more careful supervision in o rd e r t o carry out the stated purpose
of state regulation :
The savings and l oan business has so expanded in
recent years and has become so integrated with
the financial institutions of this stat e and is
so important as a method of promot ing home owne rship and thrift , that such business is affected with
a public interest and shall be supervis ed as a
business affecting th e economic s ecu rit y and general
welfare of the people of this state (State of
Maryland Annotated Code, 23, section 144 . ).
The code follows the legal tradition of the state in noting that the
purpose of the building and l oan ass ociati on is the promotion of "home
ownership and thrift . "

In a 192 3 judgment a Baltimore Circuit Court

stated that "the distingu ishing mark of a building ass oc iation is the
loan of money to its members t o be used in the purchase of real and
leasehold pr operty, usuall y for homes of the borrowing members ... "
(Lakeview Building and Loan Association vs. Beyer, 4 Ba1to. City Reports
177,1 78 (1923).

In a more recent opininion delivered by the chief

�- 6 judge of the Maryland Court of Appeals, mortgages for commercial purposes were included as a legitimate investment of an association but

•

only conditionally:

'~ile

the general purposes of the building asso-

ciation are to promote thrift and to facilitate the purchase of homes
or both, such associations which have a surplus may invest it in
mortgages for commercial purposes ..... (Poole vs. Miller, 211 Md. 448).
Any just interpretation of "commercial purposes" must surely exclude
from the purpose of the building association the support of exploitative
real estate trading and of a systematic accumulation of rental property
by landlords.
Thomas Harlan Eminizer, the newly-appointed director of the
Building, Savings and Loan Association Commission, in a recent interview agreed that it is the intent of the law that associations commit
only surpluses to the financing of real estate speculators or landlords.
He claimed, however, that he knew of no association which is at the
present time heavily involved in this kind of financing.

His chief

examiner stated that there was a time when mortgage money was plentiful
and it was not unusual for an association to have to find outlets for
depositors' money .

Anyone who has followed a black family around from

association to association to find financing knows that such a period
of real surpluses has not existed during the sixties.

Moreover, only

outlandish terms landed white families money to buy property in such
areas as Charles Village during the last few years.

If surpluses

exist, they are artificial and reflect the management's utter inability
to fulfill

the need for which the associations exist.
Another important factor which led to the neighborhood

nature of the savings and loan association is its organizational structure.

�- 7 Many associations in Maryland are mutual associations.

This means

that the depositors, known as free shareholders, and borrowers alike

•

have a legal position as owners of the association.

They possess the

legal power to control policies through majority vote and the selection
of the board of directors.
even aware of their rights.

But nowadays most shareholders are not
In practice even those shareholders who

are aware sign over their voting rights to the directors.

Only rarely

are members encouraged to attend the annual meetings which are legally
required.

Usually only directors are present at these meetings during

which they are self-elected and place a rubber stamp on their own
policies.

Moreover, there is a glaring contradiction between the ideals

of mutualists and the reluctance of the leaders and managers of the
industry to provide their members with substantial information about
their associations.

The ignorance and lack of participation of the shareholders
contributes t o a situation dangerous to the association in many ways.
The directors are very often real estate brokers or salesmen, lawyers,
appraisers, insurance agents and so forth.
self-dealing is great.

Thus, the potential for

Over and above income from salaries, directors'

fees and earnings on their deposits, the directors can have their
judgment about mortgage loans blinded by the personal profits accruing
to them in the form of origination fees, lawyers' fees, appraisal fees,
real estate and insurance commissions and the like.

loan several hundred dollars

Even on a small

can be self-dealt to the directors.

The

enticements involved in perverting a savings and loan into the mistress

of the exploiter and the landlord may be even greater.

(see Table 3)

�- 8 -

But wh ether an association is a mutual associa tion or
alternately, a guaranty stock association in which voting rights are
not held by the ordinar y depositors, Mr. Eminizer stated that the
purpose of the ass ociati on, thrift and home ownership, remains exactly
the same.

In both cases, he said, the purpose of his commi ssion is

to pro tect the memb ers of the association .

He was careful to point

out that members legally include not on ly people depositing savings
in the association but also th ose wh o borrow from the association.
With this background the recent business of two stateregulated savings and l oan associations, New Michael's and St. Casimir's,
both with neighborh oo d origins in High land town , can be contrasted.
An analysis shows how one association, St . Casimir ' s, can rightly be
called an instrument strengthening "th e ideals of individual liberty"
while the other, New Michael's, has been used t o enslave fami lies in
the exploitative h ousing market .
St. Cas imir' s
W ll below Patterson Park at O'Donnell and Kenwood Streets
e
sits the church of St. Casimir's.

Some sixty years ago members of

this parish, some of them merchants and shopkeepers, founded the St.
Casimir's Savings and Loan Association.

In its early years it served

the ethnic groups in its immediate neighborhood by providing financing
for home ownership.

But now St. Casimir's is large enough to extend

its expertise allover the eastern half of the city and into adjacent
Baltimore County as well.

Its main office now stands at th e busy

intersection of Dundalk and Eastern Avenues poised t o serve the suburban
areas east of the city.

But unwilling to sever itself from that part

of the city which gave it pirth, St. Casimir's still retains a branch
office right in the heart of Highlandtown.

�- 9 -

The management of St. Casimir's no longer types it as a
neighborhood association but continues to follow its founding purpose providing mortgages for home owne rs no matter how inexpensive the
home.

Its po licies embrace an occasional loan to an investor but

only rarely has it dealt with the exploite r in the black housing market.
Working class families are very often refused small amounts
of mortgage money t o purchas e homes.

Lending institutions complain

about the low r e turn on such a mortgage because of service charges
fixed on a mortgage of any size.

St. Casimir's, however, accepts many

small mortgages as this following table shows:
Year

Number of mortgage loans
made in the city*

Percentage of these loans
which were $8000 or less

1968

189

74%

1970

192

70%

Such a practice contrasts sharply with the policy of a prominent federal
savings and loan which limits the number of small mortgages to less than
5% of its total number.
the income.

Otherwise, the president says, costs outrun

It is in this light that St. Casimir's can be said to be

helping the little guy.
The impressive record of St. Casimir's could possibly be
offset by the fact that many of these small loans could be going to
investors.

But this was not the case in 1968 when only eight of its

city loans went to companies or to people readily identified as investors.

*In all the statistics in this report a mortgage loan is a first
mortgage loan made for the purpose of purchasing real estate. It does
not include second mortgages, refinancing mortgages, loans for home
repairs (such 'mortgages" bear higher interest rates) and the like.

�- 10 This information by no means gives a complete picture of
the business of St . Casimir's; any free shareholder should be entitled
to much mor e.

Yet the picture of its business is clear eno ugh to con-

trast it with New Michael's.

New Michae l' s
New Michael's is an older organization, first chartered in
1885.

In 1912 it was doing business ou t of an office about ten blocks

southwest of its present site just north of Patterson Park.

It must

have promoted home ownership in its neighborhood at one time but by
the fifties there is evidence that New Michael's was doing business
well outside its area in the changing neighborhoods west of downtown.
It appears that while other associations like St. Casimir ' s continued
t o support home ownership in Canton and Highlandtown, the policy of
New Michael's was decided not by

or for the local free shareho lders

but by and for investors who work in the black and mixed neighborhoods
of Baltimore.
the city.

New Michael's processed fifty-three loans in 1968 in

Twenty-three of them were made in West Baltimore neighbor -

hoods whil e twenty of them were made along the Greenmount corridor
north of North Avenue.

Thirty-five of these l oans are to investors

or t o families buying from investors.

In the latter case i nvest ors

s e lling real estate to families marked up houses an average of 90%,
purchasing fifteen of them at B2,367 and reselling them at 157,460
dollars.
The management of New Michael ' s controls at least two o ther
savings and loans with virtually the same type of policies, one on the
west side, Lib ert y Bui l ding and Loan and another on E. 25th Street,
Homewo od Savings and Loan.

Together the assets of these associations

amount t o about 3\ mi l lion dollars.

The perve r sion of this free

shareh o ld ers' money to exploit their neighbors , ruin their n eighborhoods

�- 11 -

and further the commercial interests of landlords should not be t o lerated
by the regulatory agency of this state.

Whatever gains come to the

management from this type of perversion should be car efu lly inves tigated
by the agency and legislation promoted to reflect the criminal nature
of these prof its.
Other Associations
Table II in the data section shows that New Michael's is not
f o llowing a unique policy.

Many associations, both state and f ede rally

chartered, cooperated substantially with the exploiter and the investor
in the past decade.

The list in the data section names on ly twenty-

four of these associations which were chosen because of th e extent
of their investor-re lated activity in 1968.
ciations lent over

4~

In that year these asso-

million dollars, or 78% of the t ota l money lent in

the city by them in 1968, to investors or to exploit families buying from
investors.

These 690 investor-r e late d l oans acco unt for 12% of the

mortgage loans mad e in Baltimo re City in 1968.

What the percentage is

for th e approximately 250 associations operating in the city would
involve a more thor uugh study.
Of these twenty-four associations, twenty-one, r es ponsible
for three million dollars o f the

4~

million loaned, are state-chartered

and under the dir e ct supervision of the state commission.

According to

the intent of building and l oan law and court opinion in the state
these associations can assist commercial investment in real estate

onl y if they have a surplus of money.

The commission sh ould demand

that these associations prove that they had a surplus to the extent
of 76% of th eir city-lending power in 1968. *

And if the commission

is willing to remain blind to the exploitation of borrowers, families
*Ve ry few of these associations made loans outside the city
which would significantly alter the percentage of investor-related
lending calculated on ly in terms of city lending.

�- 12 buying from exploiters, it should at least demand that these institutions show that they had the 58% surplus to lend directly to investors
and landlords.

No one claims that landlords should be blacklisted but

commercial banks and not associations which proudly claim to be
established to promote "thrift and home ownership" should be their
main source of money.
So

far for 1971 no data has been collected which indicates

the amount of money still being lent by these associations to exploit
families and promote the landlord.

However, a study of the land records

indicates that in the first six months of 1971 only about 255 mortgage
~s

have been made by these twenty-four associations, a drop of about

40% from 1968.

Perhaps as many as 50% of these loans have been made

to families without investor involvement.

The public welfare demands,

however, that the state director order a complete study of these
associations to determine if they are lending within the law.
The recommendations which follow are offered in the hope
that associations which have served families by providing for both
the promotion of thrift and home ownership will receive their just
reward of public esteem and confidence.

The associations cited, how-

ever, cast a pall upon the whole industry and until their practices
are eliminated the industry will continue to suffer in the seventies
from the same sort of suspicions which prompted the creation of the
Building, Savings and Loan Commission in 1961.
Recommendations
No new legislation is required to halt the exploitation of
Baltimore's neighborhoods with its own money.

The state director of

the Building, Savings and Loan Association Commission is fully empowered

�- 13 to investigat e as sociations whose business so endangers the public
welfare and t o in form the public of the results of his inves t i gation .

•

Sinc e these ass oc i a tions have carried on their business right under
the nose of the commis s ion without its taking any action, it can only
be assumed that tax payers unwittingly support this commission t o
protect the inves tment opportunities of associations' managements and
local , investors r ath er than to protect themselves.

A vigorous i nvesti-

gation of the a ss ociations named here should be conducted to de termine:
1)

Th e extent of self-dealing when the director s of a
gi ven association authorize loans to property investors
or families buying from speculators, e.g., when New
Michael ' s lends money to a family buying from Goldseker,
what by way of finder's fees, origination fee s, points,
commissions and the like accrue to the associat ion or
its directors over and above those involved in th e
norma l mortgage market?

2)

Wh ich a s sociations have ties with real estate fi rms
or property investors by means of directors , off icers
or counsel who are also brokers or agents, e. g . , a real
est ate broker, Alvin M. Lapidus, who invests in real
esta te under the name of AMG, Inc. is also the attorney
f or Woodmoor Savings and Loan Association wh os e
pres i dent and secretary are Stanley I. Lapidu s a nd Iris
S. Lap i dus .

Other investors who dir ectly b i nd an

as sociat ion and a real estate company are t h e fo llowing:
Wal ter Becker is the president of AI-Walt Corporation
and a director of Un iversal Bui l ding and Loan; Zell C.

�- 14 Hurwitz is a broker with Ben-Hur Realty and a director
of Sharon Building and Loan Association.
3)

(see Table 3)

Which of these associations had a surplus in 1968
which they could invest "in mortgages f or coumercia1
purposes" and which have surpluses now.

If an asso-

ciation consistently places its mone y in commercial
investments, its charter should be revoked and the
money permitted to serve commercial interests in a
financial institution designed for that purpose.
The law regarding the purpose of an association should be
clarified so that those associations which do not follow out the purpose are penalized.
1)

Some suggestions for this law are:

On all mortgage loans made by associations to families
to purchase homes, the purchase price paid by the seller
should be indicated together with the date of that
purchase.

2)

Tax penalties should be levied against associations
proportionate to the amount of mortgage money lent to
real estate companies and investors.

In this way

management can be forced to develop contacts with
home buyers and serve them rather than make painful
deals with investors.
3)

Only a very small percentage of money lent by an association each year should be allowed to go to families
buying from a single real estate company or from real
estate companies with interlocking officers.

4)

Associations should be obligated to report, not only
to the commission but also to the members whom the

�- 15 commission is protecting, the amount of money lent each
year to families for home buying purposes.

•

5)

State funds should be invested by law in associations
which consistently lend to families.

�TABLE I

YEAR

troTAL NUMBER OF
HOUSING UNITS
IN BALTO. CITY

TOTAL NUMBER
OF OCCUPIED
UNITS

OWNER-OCCUPIED UNITS
AS % OF UNITS OCCUPIED
NUMBER OF
NUMBER OF
1.
BLACK ~RWHITE OWNEROCCUPIED OCCUPIED UNITS OCCUPIED UNITS

OWNERS BY RACE

,

TOTAL
BLACK

1930

193,991

1940

236,442

227,360

96%

3,254

1950

277 ,880

268,501

97%

1960

290,155

275,597

1970

305,521

287,500

~

NA

NA

NA

NA

50 . 3

89,651

8.4

47 . 5

40 . 8

12,441

126,292

24.0

58 . 3

51.7

95%

27,628

122,050

34 . 3

62.5

54.3

95%

34,299

93,986

30.1

54 . 2

44.5

NA

NA

WHITE

�TABLE II Key to Table
1)

Association

2)

Address of Association

3)

Approximate Assets

4)

Number and dollar amount of mortgage loans to purchase real estate

(1968)

made in 1968 in Baltimore City (Source: Land Records of Baltimore
City).
5)

Number and dollar amount of these loans going to investors (A
real estate company or an individual who made two or more purchases of real estate in the city in 1968 is known as an investor.
Since the 1968 records could not be exhaustively studied to determine
the number of purchases by every individual financed by these
associations, this figure is likely to be smaller than it actually
was . ).

6)

Number and dollar amount of these loans going to families buying
from investors.

7)

Average mark-up by the investor on the sales financed by loans
going to families under statement 6.

This does not include pos-

sible increases in ground rent.
8)

Percentage of total money lent going to investors or to families
buying from investors (city lending).

9)

Percentage of total money lent going to invest~rs alone (city lending).

- 17 -

�- 18 -

Totals for 24 Associations
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.

•

108
827
482
208
77%
78%
45%

million dollars
- 5,457,201
- 2,490,415
- 1,788,594
(for 23 associations)

State-Chartered Associations
l.

l.

2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
2.

l.

2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
3.

1-

2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
4.

l.

2.
3.
4.
5.

6.
7.
8.
9.

Alamo Permanent Building and Loan Association
221 E. North Avenue, Baltimore, MD 21202
~ million dollars
6 -41,100
6 -41,100
100%
100%
Ashburton Building and Loan Association, Inc.
Sutton Place
~ million dollars
29 - 147,400
26 - 128,100

87%
87%
Aztec Savings and Loan Association
North Avenue and Wolfe Street, Baltimore, MD 21213
over ~ million dollars
9 - 63,030
2 - 11 ,550
7 - 51,480
93%
100%
18%
Baltimore Building and Loan Association
1 East Redwood Street, Baltimore, MD 21202
over 3/4 million dollars
38 - 188,500
24 - 106,000
3 - 26,200
66%
70%
57%

�- 19 5.

•

6.

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.

Business Men's Building Association
301 Munsey Building, 21202
over 3/4 million dollars
19 - 81,000
12 - 55,700
69%
69%

1. Fairfax Savings and Loan Association
2. 110 E. Lexington Street, 21202
3. over ~ million dollars
4.24-77,750
5. 19 - 60,550
6.
7.

8.
9.

8.

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.

First Progressive Building and Loan Association
1341 W. North Avenue, 21217
over 1 million dollars
44 - 235,000
24 - 133,050

8.
9.

7.

78%
78%

57'7.
57'7.

l.
2.
3.

Irving Permanent Building and Loan Association
1303 Court Square Building, 21202
under ~ million dollars
23 - 82,400
14 - 41,950

4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
9.

l.
2.

3.
4.
5.

51%
51%
Lazaretto Permanent Building and Loan Association
113 S. Clinton Street, 21224
over ~ million dollars
8 - 68,654

9.

8 - 68,654
77%
100%
0%

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.

Liberty Building and Loan Association
1681 W. North Avenue, 21217
under 1 million dollars
13 - 88,610
8 - 36,200
3 - 25,410

7.

73%

8.
9.

70%
41%

6.
7.

8.
10.

�- 20 11.

•

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.

Mortgage Loan and Savings Association
301 Munsey Building, 21202
l~ million dollars
44 - 296,750
28 - 184,150

7.
8.
9.

12.

62%
62%

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.

New Michael's Permanent Savings and Loan Association
400 N. Milton Avenue, 21224
under 2~ million dollars
53 - 309,030
25 - 133,750
15 - 88,750
90%

8.

13.

14.

72%

9.

43%

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.

Northeastern Bohemian Savings and Loan Association
6721 Harford Road, 21234
14 million dollars
153 - 879,077
112 - 621,677

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.

Northeastern Loan and Savings Association
4335 York Road, 21212
1\ million dollars
21 - 180,400
1 1,500
20 - 178,900
81%
100%
.6%

9.

15.

l.

2.
3.

4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.

16.

71%
71%

Premier Savings and Loan Association
6257 Kenwood Avenue, 21237
6 million dollars
36 - 279,150
6 - 37,500
24 - 194,900
80%
83%
13%

5.
6.

Sharon Building and Loan Association
232 N. Liberty Street, 21201
2
million dollars
38 - 337,840
17 - 162,140
13 - 112,900

7.

?

8.
9.

82%
48%

l.

2.
3.

4.

�- 21 -

5.

Slovanstvo Savings and Loan Association
2428 E. Monument Street, 21205
3/4 million dollars
10 - 52,100
8 - 38,100

6.
7.
8.
9.

17.

73%
73%

l.

2.
3.
4.

•

18.

l.

2.
3.
4.
5.
6.

Summit Building and Loan Association
1 East Redwood Street, 21202
140 thousand dollars
13 - 53,000
12 - 50,800

7.

8.
9.
19.

20.

21.

96%
96%

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.

Universal Building and Loan Association
5218 Reisterstown Road, 21215
3/4 million dollars
11 - 51,800
10 - 46,800

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.

Vanguard Savings and Loan Association
7114 North Point Road, 21219
3/5 million dollars
49 - 279,800
44 - 235,700

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.

Woodmoor Savings and Loan Association
5314 Reisterstown Road, 21215
~ million dollars
24 - 137,000
19 - 110,100

90%
90%

84%
84%

81%
81%
Totals for State-Chartered Associations

3.
4.
5.
6.

34.4 million dollars
663 - 3,930,391
458 - 2,261,667
24
194,900

7.
8.
9.

80% (except Sharon BL)
83%
13%

�- 22 Associations with Federal Charters
l.

•

l.

2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
2.

Jefferson Federal Savings and Loan Association
215 E. Fayette Street, 21202
8 million dollars
78 - 719,450
5 - 30,500
69 - 654,750
82%
95%
.4%

2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
3.

Patapsco Federal Savings and Loan Association
6730 Holabird Avenue, 21222
6 million dollars
16 - 104,150
8 - 38,150
2 - 17,600
76%
53%
36%

12.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.

Uptown Federal Savings and Loan Association
6609 Reisterstown Road , 21215
60 million dollars
70 - 703,210
11 - 160,098
44 - 389,300
58%
78%
23%

l.

Sub-Totals for 3 Associations With Federal Charters:
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.

72 million dollars
164 - 1,52u,810
24 228,748
115 - 1,061,650
73%
85%
1570
TABLE III
This table lists some of the positions in those savings and

loans of Table II which are held by men with influential and profitable
positions in real estate.

Many savings and loan directors are also in

such businesses as building material supply and insurance.

This list

�- 23 -

•

is limited to the real estate business proper because, wherever a real
estate broker or salesman serves on the board of an association, an

•

automatic "conflict of interest environment" arises.

His interests,

prompt and adequate financing of his properties, may be served best
by specific action contrary t o the interest of the association and the
public.
First, however, any investigation into self-dealing by the
directors of these 21 state-chartered associations is complicated by
the fact that a surprising number of men, sixteen, were directors,

officers or attorneys of two or more of these associations, relating
twelve of these associations to at least one other of these twenty-one.
The lists of brokers and salesmen who were directors of these
21 follows:
Brokers
Name

Director of

Real Estate Company

Elliott Miller
David Buchman
Samuel J. Aaron
Charles F. Hemelt
Morton E. Baker
Charles F. Hemelt
Zell C. Hurwit z
Walter Becker

Ashburton BL
Fairfax SL
First Progressive BLA
Liberty BL
Mortgage LS
New Michael's PSL
Sharon BL
Universal BL

Midway Realty Co.
Stanway Realty Co.
Major Realty Service
Trades in own name

"

"

Ben-Hur Realty
Trades in own name

At least another broker is an attorney with an association whose president is his blood brother:
Alvin M. Lapidus

Attorney with Woodmoor SL

AMG, Inc.

Salesmen
Name

Director of

Salesman with

Rhea B. Snyder
Albert G. Aaron
Oscar I. Zerwitz
Norman L. Herold

Business Men's (sic) B
First Progressive BL

C. Snyder Agency
Major Realty Co.
Banner Realty Co.
Vincent and Daily

"

Lazaretto PBL

�- 24 c ont'd

•
Name

•

Director of

Salesman with

Raymond A. Holter
W.E. Edmonst on
Edward Gryni ewski
Leonard Cohen

New Michae l' s PBL
Northeastern LS
Northeastern Bohemian SL
W dmoor SL
oo

W.H. Suchting, Jr .
Douglas 1. Brown
Bel Air Realty
AMG, Inc.

Final l y, a director of one of the state associations among
these, Baltimore BL, is also a director of National City Bank of
Baltimore.

II. EQUITABLE TRUST BANK
Commercial banks are not Bui lding, Sav ings and Loan Associations.

Their purpose is not to 'promote thrift and home ownership. '

Their primar y conc e rn is not to increase families' savings, or to

provid e mortgages for families buying homes.

A commercial bank per-

forms two basic functions; it holds money on demand (commercia l banks
h old 75% of the nation ' s money) and it c r ea t es money by l ending the
money it h o lds .
The Equitable Trust Company of Baltimore, Maryland, is a
commercial bank.
1970.

It holds money: $304,343,839 in demand deposits in

It l ends money: $3 18 , 263,2 19 in l oans in 1970.

In effec t i t

a ls o is a savings bank: in 1970 it held $154,87 6,254 in sav ings accounts
and $68,652,946 in oth e r time deposits.

It also grants mort gages:

in 1970 ab out $9,000,000 in new mortgages.
The Equitabl e Trust Company of Baltimore, Maryland, ca lls
itself a " full service bank. "

On the radio ETC says, "You know you can

get a mortgage at Equitabl e to buy a home."

But a study of ETC's land

business in the years 19 68 and 1970 shows that ve ry few families in
Baltimore City do , as a matter of fact, obtain mortgages from ETC to
buy homes.

�- 25 In summary the data below show that ETC financed only a

•

small number of famili es purchasing homes in th e city; and very few
were buying low cost housing.

•

to families to buy homes.

In 1968 possibl y forty-five loans went

Four of these loans went to persons officially

connected with the bank; onl y fou r others were under $9000.

In 1970

only two of thirty-thre e possible mortgages for family home buying
were under $9000 (see Table D).

A family purchasing a modest home in

the city is not likely to get mortgage money from ETC if it is to judge
from the rec ord rather than from advertisements.

Managers of the

twenty-one city offices, in fact, are likely to be un fami liar with
procedures f or m ga ge lending to families since on th e average a
ort
manager made only 1. 6 such mortgage loans in all of 1970.
On

the other hand, according to Table E, ETC's policies in

1968 show mortga ge support for the investor, mainly thr ough the acceptance
of short term assignments*from the Goldseker Companies and from Jefferson
Federal Savings and Loan.
$70,000 in 1968.

Lending to specu lat ors amounted to at least

Maybe two or three hundred th ousand dollars .

This

is not much if compared t o Mar y land National Bank, which l en t over
$800,000 to Lee Realty (a Goldseker Co.) in 1968.

It is not much when

compared to ETC's financin g in the first half of the 60 's of Kay Realty,
the Eagle Corp., Forest Realty, Lee Realty, Land Realt y, Jay Realty,
Book Realty, the Kenneth Co., Linwood Realty, the Lynn Corporation,
Mel Realty, and Safet y Realty, (al l Goldseker Companies) and God know.
how many others .

It does not compare to the $5,500,000 loan that

Goldseker got from the Manufacturers' Lif e Insurance Co . of Canada
through the agency of ETC.

And i n 1970 ETC was even

bette~

almost

cutting out completely its business with speculators and lending over

*See p. 33, bottom.

�- 26 -

•

$4,000,000 (Government insured?) for a housing project .
almost commendab l e .

•

The change is

But the thoughtless neighbor hood bu lly is not

commended when h e stops taking the candy away from the sma ll children
because ev er yone ' s pointing at him.

And a bank is not commende d when

it s t ops taking money from the exploitation of poor people, wh en the
expl oitors wh om t he bank had financed are being taken to court and
their actions have been publicized in newspapers and on TV.

And a

bank is not t o be commended because it has granted two mor tga ges
under $9,000 t o t wo families for them to buy homes, or because it has
granted home buying mor t gages to thirty-three families in t he wh ol e
city of Baltimore .
Recommendations
Th e pas t history of ETC ' s involvement with specu l a t or s and
ETC's ni ggardliness in granting family home buying mortgages, e specially
in the l ow and middle income range, urge the necessity of government
regulation t o prot ect the public welfare.

ETC and the other comme rcial

banks, with their tremendous pa ce - setting influence, must be fo rced to
make mor e f und s ava i l able to Baltimore City families to buy houses.
1.

Th e same s ort of restriction should be put on commercial
banks

not i n considerable savings deposi t s as hav e been

pl aced on savings and loan association funds .

Sp e cifically ,

f r om 50% t o 75% of savings deposits and ot he r t ime deposits
sh oul d be r eserved for family home buying mortgages.
2.

Commercial banks should be obligate d t o a ssis t t h e savings
and l oan industry in making l oans to fami lie s buy ing
directly from families.

Either by buying up a certain

amount of th ese mortgages from such sav ings and l oans or

�- 27 by investing a certain percentage of their trust funds

•

in such savings and loans.
3.

The city, state and federal government should not deposit
tax-payers' money in banks that do not promote the public
good by financing family home buying .

4.

Citizens' groups interested in housing in Baltimore City
should promote investment in banking houses that promote
home ownership, and should actively discourage investment in banking houses that actively or passively discourage
the buying of homes by families.

Data - ETC
In 1968 ETC granted 141 mortgages and 277 covenants, totaling
about six million dollars.

The covenants, in effect second, small,

short term mortgages, accounted for about 17% of the money.

Of the mort-

gages proper 45 on already owned property amounted to $2,071,700 or
about 34% of the money ETC lent on property.

The remaining 96 mortgages

were for the purchase of property and amounted to $2,985,650 or about
half the money.

ETC's 96 mortgages represent 2% of the total number

of property buying mortgages granted in the city in 1968.
In 1970 ETC granted 91 mortgages and 142 covenants, totaling
about $9,500,000.

About 6% of the money was in covenants; 36% or

$3,450,700 in 30 mortgages on property already owned; and 58% or
$5,603,900 in 61 mortgages to purchase property.

ETC's 61 property

buying mortgages are 1% of the total number of such mortgages granted
in the city in 1970.
Thus there was a decrease in the number of mortgages of 37%
and an increase in money of 88%, most of the increase being accounted

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                  <text>Baltimore Neighborhoods, Inc.</text>
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            <element elementId="49">
              <name>Subject</name>
              <description>The topic of the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
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                  <text>Discrimination in housing</text>
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                  <text>Nonprofit organizations</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="199607">
                  <text>Citizens' associations</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="199608">
                  <text>Baltimore Metropolitan Area (Md.)</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="199609">
                  <text>African Americans</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="199610">
                  <text>Housing</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="199611">
                  <text>Baltimore (Md.)</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="199612">
                  <text>Community organization</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="199613">
                  <text>Reports</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="199614">
                  <text>Correspondence</text>
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                  <text>Newsletters</text>
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            <element elementId="41">
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              <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                  <text>This exhibit provides an introduction to the work of Baltimore Neighborhoods, Inc. (BNI) around issues of racial integration in housing and tenants' rights from the 1950s to the 2000s.&#13;
&#13;
Established in 1958, Baltimore Neighborhoods, Inc. was formed to promote an open housing market and viable integrated neighborhoods in the Baltimore area. It was established by several neighborhood associations and supported by civic organizations like the Greater Baltimore Committee. The early focus of the organization was to obtain open housing and stable neighborhoods during a period of widespread white flight and blockbusting in Baltimore City. Through education and advocacy, it sought to counter racial prejudice, to fight discrimination in the real estate industry, and to combat neighborhood deterioration resulting from segregated housing. More recently, BNI has focused on tenant-landlord relations and renters' rights. &#13;
&#13;
The Baltimore Neighborhoods, Inc. (BNI) collection at the University of Baltimore consists of 22 linear inches of archival records, which are described in an online collection database. The complete collection has also been digitized at the folder level and is also available in the collection database. For this exhibit, 32 documents have been selected from the complete collection.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://langsdale.ubalt.edu/special-collections/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Special Collections &amp;amp; Archives, University of Baltimore&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <name>Source</name>
              <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://archivesspace.ubalt.edu/repositories/2/resources/14" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Baltimore Neighborhoods, Incorporated Records, UB Special Collections &amp;amp; Archives&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <name>Publisher</name>
              <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://langsdale.ubalt.edu/special-collections/"&gt;University of Baltimore Special Collections &amp;amp; Archives&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <name>Date</name>
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                </elementText>
              </elementTextContainer>
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            <element elementId="47">
              <name>Rights</name>
              <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="199621">
                  <text>This material may be quoted or reproduced for personal and educational purposes without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given. When crediting the use of portions from this site or materials within that are copyrighted by us, please use the citation: "Used with permission of the University of Baltimore Special Collections &amp; Archvies." Any commercial use of this material is prohibited without prior permission from the Special Collections &amp; Archives, University of Baltimore. Commercial requests for use of the images or related text must be submitted in writing to: Special Collections &amp; Archives, University of Baltimore, H. Mebane Turner Learning Commons, 1415 Maryland Avenue, Baltimore, MD 21201</text>
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                  <text>English</text>
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                  <text>Text</text>
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              <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
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                <elementText elementTextId="199625">
                  <text>R0015-BNI</text>
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              <description>Date of creation of the resource.</description>
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              <description>The size or duration of the resource.</description>
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                  <text>32 items</text>
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      <name>Text</name>
      <description>A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.</description>
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          <name>Original Format</name>
          <description>The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data</description>
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              <text>Paper</text>
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            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>Baltimore Under Siege: The Impact of Financing on the Baltimore Home Buyer (1960-1970)</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="41">
            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="205089">
                <text>A computer-based study of exploitative lending practices to African American homebuyers in Baltimore City during the 1960s</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="205090">
                <text>1971-09</text>
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            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                <text>Baltimore (Md.)</text>
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                <text>Discrimination in housing</text>
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                <text>Race discrimination</text>
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                <text> House buying</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="205095">
                <text>Savings and loan associations</text>
              </elementText>
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                <text>Mortgage banks</text>
              </elementText>
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                <text>Loans</text>
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            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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                <text>Activists, Inc.</text>
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                <text>University of Baltimore Special Collections &amp; Archives</text>
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            <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
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                <text>application/pdf</text>
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            <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
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                <text>bni06.01.42a</text>
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                <text>Baltimore Neighborhoods, Incorporated Records (R0015-BNI), series VI, box 1, folder 42, Special Collections &amp; Archives, University of Baltimore</text>
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          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="205105">
                <text>Use of this digital material is governed by U.S. copyright law. The University of Baltimore Special Collections and Archives makes digital surrogates of collections accessible if they are in the public domain, the rights are owned by the University of Baltimore, the Special Collections and Archives has permission to make them accessible, or there are no known restrictions on use. Due to the nature of archival collections, rights information is not always discernible. The Special Collections and Archives is eager to hear from any rights owners wishing to provide accurate information. Upon request, material will be removed from view while a rights issue is addressed. Contact the Special Collections and Archives for more information regarding this image.</text>
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        <name>House buying</name>
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        <name>Loans</name>
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        <name>Mortgage banks</name>
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        <name>Race discrimination</name>
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        <name>Savings and loan associations</name>
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              <name>Title</name>
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                  <text>Robert Breck Chapman Photographs</text>
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              <name>Description</name>
              <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                  <text>The collection consists of photographic materials produced by Chapman for Baltimore's Model Cities Program, Urban Services Agency, and Department of Housing and Community Development. The collection documents anti-poverty, cultural arts, and youth education programs in Baltimore from the late 1960s through the mid-1990s, as well as public housing in the 1990s through 2002.</text>
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              <name>Creator</name>
              <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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                  <text>Robert Breck Chapman</text>
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              <name>Source</name>
              <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://archivesspace.ubalt.edu/repositories/2/resources/99" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Robert Breck Chapman Photographs&lt;/a&gt; (R0102-RBC), Special Collections and Archives, University of Baltimore.</text>
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              <name>Publisher</name>
              <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="219418">
                  <text>&lt;a href="http://library.ubalt.edu/special-collections/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Special Collections and Archives, University of Baltimore.&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <name>Date</name>
              <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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                <elementText elementTextId="219419">
                  <text>1967 - 2002</text>
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            <element elementId="47">
              <name>Rights</name>
              <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="219420">
                  <text>Use of the images in this digital collection/exhibit is governed by U.S. copyright law. The University of Baltimore Special Collections and Archives makes digital surrogates of collections accessible if they are in the public domain, the rights are owned by the University of Baltimore, the Special Collections and Archives has permission to make them accessible, or there are no known restrictions on use. Due to the nature of archival collections, rights information is not always discernible. The Special Collections and Archives is eager to hear from any rights owners wishing to provide accurate information. Upon request, material will be removed from view while a rights issue is addressed. Contact the Special Collections and Archives for more information regarding this image.</text>
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              <description>A related resource</description>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://archivesspace.ubalt.edu/repositories/2/resources/99" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Robert Breck Chapman Photographs&lt;/a&gt; (R0102-RBC), Special Collections and Archives, University of Baltimore.</text>
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              <name>Format</name>
              <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
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                <elementText elementTextId="219422">
                  <text>jpegs/still images</text>
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              <name>Language</name>
              <description>A language of the resource</description>
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                  <text>English.</text>
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                  <text>Still images.</text>
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              <name>Identifier</name>
              <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
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                  <text>R0102-RBC</text>
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              <name>Coverage</name>
              <description>The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant</description>
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                <elementText elementTextId="219426">
                  <text>Baltimore, Maryland</text>
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              <name>Date Created</name>
              <description>Date of creation of the resource.</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
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                  <text>Digital collection added to Omeka site in 2020.</text>
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            <element elementId="49">
              <name>Subject</name>
              <description>The topic of the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="219443">
                  <text>African Americans</text>
                </elementText>
                <elementText elementTextId="219444">
                  <text>Maryland--Baltimore.</text>
                </elementText>
                <elementText elementTextId="219445">
                  <text>Photographers.</text>
                </elementText>
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                  <text>photographs</text>
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      <name>Still Image</name>
      <description>A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.</description>
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          <name>Original Format</name>
          <description>The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data</description>
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              <text>Paper</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
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                <text>AFRAM Expo '76 Festival Program</text>
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            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>AFRAM</text>
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                <text>Program</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>AFRAM Expo 76 Festival program cover.</text>
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            <name>Source</name>
            <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="219654">
                <text>&lt;a href="https://archivesspace.ubalt.edu/repositories/2/resources/99" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Robert Breck Chapman Photographs&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;(R0102-RBC), Special Collections &amp;amp; Archives, University of Baltimore.</text>
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            <name>Publisher</name>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="219655">
                <text>Robert Breck Chapman Photographs (R0102-RBC), Special Collections &amp; Archives, University of Baltimore.</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="219656">
                <text>1976</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="219657">
                <text>&lt;a href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/"&gt;&lt;img alt="Creative Commons License" style="border-width:0;" src="https://i.creativecommons.org/l/by-nc-nd/2.0/88x31.png" /&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This work is licensed under a &lt;a href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/"&gt;Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 2.0 Generic License&lt;/a&gt;.
&lt;p&gt;Use of this image is governed by U.S. copyright law. The University of Baltimore Special Collections and Archives makes digital surrogates of collections accessible if they are in the public domain, the rights are owned by the University of Baltimore, the Special Collections and Archives has permission to make them accessible, or there are no known restrictions on use. Due to the nature of archival collections, rights information is not always discernible. The Special Collections and Archives is eager to hear from any rights owners wishing to provide accurate information. Upon request, material will be removed from view while a rights issue is addressed. Contact the Special Collections and Archives for more information regarding this image.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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            <description>A related resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="219658">
                <text>&lt;a href="https://archivesspace.ubalt.edu/repositories/2/resources/99" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Robert Breck Chapman Photographs&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;(R0102-RBC)</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;JF: Oh yeah. Yeah, I was a hot number in the 1980s.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;AF: Yeah, tell me. Tell me about your art career.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;JF: Well, first of all, I got involved with Henri [Henrietta Springer Ehrsam], who at that time, in the 1970s and 1980s, she was&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;the&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;gallery in Washington. I mean, there was Henri and then there was everybody else. She had a gallery that was on P Street, a couple blocks off Dupont Circle. Her building was a corner building. The building had a turret on the corner, so it was like rounded off, okay? And then there was this open sidewalk. She started putting my sculpture on that open sidewalk, and she was selling them like one a month. It got to the point that I had drilled so many holes in the sidewalk that the sidewalk didn’t hold up. The concrete had just turned back to sand.&lt;span id="more-100"&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;But she sold a tremendous amount of work. Plus the fact she got me a one man show at the Phillips Collection.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;And then here in Baltimore, I got involved with Barbara Kornblatt. And Barbara Kornblatt was a totally different person from Henri. Everybody called Henri, Henri, but she was a woman. Most people would tell you she was cantankerous, but I got along very well with her. Most of all I think because when I went over there I invariably took my kids with me, and she fell in love with the kids.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;But Barbara Kornblatt had a gallery here in Baltimore and she did very well by me. I had two hot galleries thirty-five miles apart. I mean, I was really a hot number. And then Barbara Kornblatt moved to Washington, what used to be the retail district of Washington. It was between Chinatown and the Capitol and the Mall and the Smithsonian. Is that called Constitution Mall, maybe? Chinatown was up here and then there was a retail district—Hecht’s and name another department store here in Baltimore. But it was a retail district. And this building was a building that had basically been abandoned by the retail people and a bunch of galleries took the building over. Again, from the 1980s into the 1990s, this building, it was on 7&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;Street.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;AF: Northwest?&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;JF: Yes. It was the hot gallery scene in Washington. One of the neatest things that ever happened to me—I was taking work into the building for a show—the other thing about it is Kornblatt had a gallery right on the first floor. It would be like the elevators here and this space would be her gallery and it was all glass. While you were waiting for the elevator, you could see what was going on, which was a real sales advantage. But I was loading this work into the gallery and this guy came down the street. I didn’t know who he was. He came down the street and he said, “Wow, that’s a nice piece of sculpture.” He said, “Don’t bother taking it into the gallery.” He said, “Just leave it there. I’ll get it.” And it was Hirshhorn. It was David Hirshhorn himself. I didn’t know who he was.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;AF: [Laughing] That’s incredible.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;JF: But he went inside and Kornblatt knew who he was. And Kornblatt was stunned. She came outside and Kornblatt always had something to say. She was mumbling. She said, “You know, that was David Hirshhorn and he said don’t bother bringing the piece inside. He said. ‘I’m going to get a truck to get it and I’m going to buy it.'” There was no question of price or who I was or anything.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;AF: He just wanted the piece.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;JF: He just wanted the piece. No bullshit, you know, just bam!&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;AF: And so now that’s part of the permanent collection at the Hirshhorn.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;JF: Yeah.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;JF: I came to Baltimore in 1969 to go to Rinehart [School of Sculpture at the Maryland Institute College of Art].&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;AF: As far as places within this metropolitan area that you’ve lived, where have you lived?&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;JF: Up until I got married, eight, nine, ten years ago now, I’ve always lived in the City. I started out in Parkville. Then I was separated from my wife and I went to Fells Point, back in the glory days of Fells Point. The City had bought up large portions of Fells Point because they wanted to tie [Interstate] 83 to [Interstate] 95. The remaining citizens of Fells Point got it blocked, because they got Fells Point declared an historic district.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;AF: Were you part of that process?&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;JF: I knew the people involved with it. One of my lifetime friends here in Baltimore is a guy by the name of Jim Dilts, who used to be a writer for&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;The Sun&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;paper. He was actively involved when the committee, the Fells Point Association—I’m not sure of the title, but it was a neighborhood association—actively involved, and they blocked it. Then the City had all of this property that they didn’t know what to do with. I’m not sure how this actually came about, but the solution was you could rent to buy. Fells Point became an artist’s haven, until it was discovered by people with more money. Over the years, for the most part—other than the artists who actually owned—the artists who actually owned valuable pieces of property were able to hang on—but for the most part, Fells Point is not the Fells Point of the 1970s and 1980s. It was really a fun place to be, you know? It was Baltimore’s SoHo.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;AF: In your time there, were you a renter?&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;JF: Yeah.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;AF: How many years, approximately?&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;JF: Oh, from five to ten years. In the late 1970s, I was working as a carpenter for a man who had a renovation/construction company. And out of the clear blue sky they called me from the Institute and they wanted me to come for an interview. The man who interviewed me was a man by the name of Jack [Custee], who was a sweetheart of a guy. And I knew him from my Rinehart years because, one, I drove the delivery truck during my Rinehart years. He wasn’t my immediate boss, but I was a part of his department. And he offered me this job as a head of the maintenance department. And it was really farfetched. I mean, I could make metal sculpture, and I could do carpentry work, and I could plunge a toilet, and I could change a light bulb, and things like that. But the responsibility of the whole thing was really something. But I succeeded. I succeeded, and if you ask people that had anything to do with me from maybe 1978, 1979, through maybe 1994, 1995, maybe 1996, they’ll tell you that I did a good job. And I’m really quite proud of that, you know.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                  <text>This collection examines collective ownership of artists' live-work spaces in Baltimore, Maryland’s Station North Arts and Entertainment District. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Interviews were conducted between October 2012 and July 2013 with artists and residents of the Cork Factory warehouse at 1601 Guilford Avenue in Station North. Topics include the history of the Cork Factory building, development of the state’s first arts and entertainment district, the process of redevelopment and neighborhood change, as well as personal histories from artists and activists involved with the project. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The complete collection--which consists of 10 audio interviews, corresponding transcripts, and photographs of interviewees--is available through the &lt;a href="https://archivesspace.ubalt.edu/repositories/2/resources/112"&gt;online collection guide&lt;/a&gt;.</text>
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                  <text>Aiden Faust conducted the interviews and took the associated portraits between October 2012 and July 2013. Aiden curated the exhibit in August 2014 and added it to this site in October 2019.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://archivesspace.ubalt.edu/repositories/2/resources/112"&gt;Station North Oral History Collection, UB Special Collections &amp;amp; Archives&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://langsdale.ubalt.edu/special-collections/"&gt;University of Baltimore Special Collections &amp;amp; Archives&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>Use of these images is governed by U.S. copyright law. The University of Baltimore Special Collections and Archives makes digital surrogates of collections accessible if they are in the public domain, the rights are owned by the University of Baltimore, the Special Collections and Archives has permission to make them accessible, or there are no known restrictions on use. Due to the nature of archival collections, rights information is not always discernible. The Special Collections and Archives is eager to hear from any rights owners wishing to provide accurate information. Upon request, material will be removed from view while a rights issue is addressed. Contact the Special Collections and Archives for more information regarding this image.</text>
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                  <text>Transcription of the interviews in this collection was made possible through the support of the University of Baltimore Foundation's Baltimore Renaissance Seed Scholarship Fund.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;DH: So I’m probably irresponsible in that respect [not attending community association meetings]. The only thing I can think is that I make my effort in being on the street and talking with people and just trying to be part of a place. I kind of assuage whatever misgivings I have about not being really active like that. I’m still a member of the community. And that’s what I do. I pick up trash when I see it out here. I talk to people. I’m on the street. I’m out on the street walking and talking and I guess that’s the best—you know, maybe that’s it. Maybe that’s what my effort is.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;AF:  How much change have you seen as a result of some of this gentrification in the surrounding neighborhood?&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;DH:  Well, you know that mural project that just happened, for example? [Open Walls Baltimore]. That altered things around here, because what it did was it highlighted the neighborhood. And I know that there were certain misgivings about that on the part of those that actually organized that. They were a little reluctant, because they knew that what they were doing was opening the door for real estate investors and that sort of thing.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;I can’t speak for people in the community, but what it appeared to do…&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;I went to the party when they opened that [mural project], when they had the big party down the block down here. And everybody in the neighborhood was out. All the art kids were out. People in the community were out. Everybody was partying and dancing and being part of it. And I think the focus—I mean, I can’t speak for people—but it appeared that the focus on the community boosted people’s esteem that they were part of something that was happening. So whether you liked the murals, for better or worse, whether you think they really do anything, the energy did something.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;And I think that translated to people in the community as well—other people in the community besides artists is what I mean to say—other people that live here. So, yeah. I saw people out. I mean I was dancing with people walking by their houses and talking with people that I’d never met before. And I think all those things contribute to a sort of integration of all the different elements that make up this neighborhood.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                  <text>Use of these images is governed by U.S. copyright law. The University of Baltimore Special Collections and Archives makes digital surrogates of collections accessible if they are in the public domain, the rights are owned by the University of Baltimore, the Special Collections and Archives has permission to make them accessible, or there are no known restrictions on use. Due to the nature of archival collections, rights information is not always discernible. The Special Collections and Archives is eager to hear from any rights owners wishing to provide accurate information. Upon request, material will be removed from view while a rights issue is addressed. Contact the Special Collections and Archives for more information regarding this image.</text>
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                  <text>Transcription of the interviews in this collection was made possible through the support of the University of Baltimore Foundation's Baltimore Renaissance Seed Scholarship Fund.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;DH: Last night I was in here, and one of the trains whistled as it was leaving the station down here. That is so lovely. I mean, that’s right there, and  Penn Station’s out the window, and the activity!&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;I stuck my head out here the other night. I was watching a movie on the computer. All of a sudden, I heard this commotion out on the streets, which isn’t unusual, because there’s noise out here sometimes. But it’s like these people shouting real loud and boisterously. So I went to the window, and coming up Guilford Avenue, filling Guilford Avenue on both sides, are bicycles. There was evidently this bicycle fete [Baltimore Bike Party] that happened at night, because it was 9:30, quarter-to-ten.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The whole avenue was filled with bicycles going north. That flood of bikes continued for about twenty-five minutes. I stuck my head out the window and just watched.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span id="more-85"&gt;&lt;/span&gt;And some people had a drum on their bike and they all had lights and some people were singing and people were chatting and all this energy and this wave, just this flood of bicycles! Now that was unexpected.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Have you ever seen&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;Amarcord?&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;The Fellini film,&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;Amarcord&lt;/i&gt;? That’s a great film. It’s called “I Remember,&lt;i&gt;”&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;that’s what&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;Amarcord&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;means in Italian, as far as I know, “I Remember.” There’s a scene in there where everybody in the village rouses themselves, gets on these little boats, and heads out into the harbor. And the next thing you know, out of the fog comes this ocean liner and it’s moving by with all its lights. And all of these people, the villagers, are out in these boats and they’re bobbing like corks. And here is this—the whole landscape seems to be moving as this ocean liner—it’s the most stunning sight. And that’s why they’re out there. And that’s what the bicycles reminded me of the other day when they were rolling by here like that. This mass of lights like this, and sound.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Anyway, that’s one of the benefits of living down here. All that sort of color that’s unexpected and offers variety. And you really don’t have to go anywhere. You’ve got all this variety. That’s the wonderful thing about urban life, all the cultural input and diversity. I really appreciate that quite a bit.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                  <text>This collection examines collective ownership of artists' live-work spaces in Baltimore, Maryland’s Station North Arts and Entertainment District. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Interviews were conducted between October 2012 and July 2013 with artists and residents of the Cork Factory warehouse at 1601 Guilford Avenue in Station North. Topics include the history of the Cork Factory building, development of the state’s first arts and entertainment district, the process of redevelopment and neighborhood change, as well as personal histories from artists and activists involved with the project. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The complete collection--which consists of 10 audio interviews, corresponding transcripts, and photographs of interviewees--is available through the &lt;a href="https://archivesspace.ubalt.edu/repositories/2/resources/112"&gt;online collection guide&lt;/a&gt;.</text>
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                  <text>Use of these images is governed by U.S. copyright law. The University of Baltimore Special Collections and Archives makes digital surrogates of collections accessible if they are in the public domain, the rights are owned by the University of Baltimore, the Special Collections and Archives has permission to make them accessible, or there are no known restrictions on use. Due to the nature of archival collections, rights information is not always discernible. The Special Collections and Archives is eager to hear from any rights owners wishing to provide accurate information. Upon request, material will be removed from view while a rights issue is addressed. Contact the Special Collections and Archives for more information regarding this image.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;CH: And we had parties. We have had wonderful, wonderful art parties in our building. I don’t know if you have heard about those from other people. We’ve done three monumental parties. And I call them “art parties” because they involve more than just a party.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Like, one party was the high school party, and it came about because I never got to be prom queen. Of course, in high school, I was far from ever being the prom queen. But I always sort of wanted to be the prom queen. So I decided, why couldn’t we just have a high school party? Because there are other people probably who wanted to be the star quarterback of the football team or whatever, or the head of the yearbook or something. “Why don’t we have a high school party and then we can all live out our aspirations?” So everybody—well, Kate [Thomas] and Bob [Levine], in particular—were our cohorts, and sometimes Nancy and Lou [Linden]. And they said, “Yeah, yeah! It sounds like a good idea.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;So then we got other people in. But then the party just kind of morphs into a really big, big party. Because we began to think about how real we wanted it to be. We got somebody to be a nun, for those of our friends who went to Catholic school. And we installed a nun in there. And then we rig up a PA system so that we can talk to people and make announcements. We began thinking about the things from high school that we remembered. The surly cafeteria lady that used to slop your peas! So we bought these big things of canned peas, and my sister-in-law was the surly cafeteria woman. And then we made people go through the cafeteria line, and we literally sloped stuff on their [plates]. And the part that was amazing was that our friends actually ate it!&lt;span id="more-200"&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;AF: [laughs]&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;CH: And we were like, “You’re are eating it? That was meant to be a joke.” We actually had other food! We used three different loft spaces. Dave Herman’s space was used as a gym. We had people bring red and blue tee-shirts—because we had teams—and then we had it in the gym. And then we had graduation. And Dennis had created a huge puppet on stilts and everything, and that was the Great Professor. We had a graduation ceremony. We had artists friends of ours create lockers. They are fanciful and wonderful beyond belief.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;And then we had the prom, to which I got to be the prom queen. Then we decided it wasn’t enough that I got to be prom queen, but we needed to have a story, a scenario about the prom queen. So it was that Kate was the real prom queen, right? But I kidnapped Kate and I tied her up. And we had pictures of that. Like in my locker, I had a small picture of Kate all tied up in a chair. So she couldn’t be prom queen! But of course, somehow at the last minute, somehow she gets free and she takes the crown off my head. And I&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;still&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;don’t get to be prom queen!&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;So, they were fun parties. We had music and dancing. And people had to bring formal attire for the prom. So people are changing. It’s just crazy. We also had classes. We taught classes. We had an anthropology class. Kate taught a sex class. Bob taught the gym class. Somebody else taught a history class. And every now and then, there would be announcement over the PA system. And one of our friends was a librarian, and she was in my anthropology class. And she had gone to Catholic school. And it came over the system that, “Will Mary&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;please&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;go to the Principal’s office?” This was the nun. “There seems to be missing library books.” And she was so into it, she goes, “No! I would&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;never&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;steal library books!” [Laughs]&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;AF: [laughs]&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;CH: So it was fun! Then we had a heaven and hell party. And we had hell in Kate’s loft. We had heaven here. And the gallery was purgatory. We had somebody going around all night with a milk cartoon collecting money for babies to get them out of purgatory. We had pictures of babies on the milk carton; we had baby angels. It was Halloween time, so at the heaven and hell party, you had to come in costume. You had to come as an angel of some kind. You could be a bad angel, a good angel, whatever. Some people came as the Baltimore Hon angel. I was a Baltimore Hon angel.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;There were some elaborate [costumes]. There were some prizes given for that. And in hell, everybody had to make things. It was like a factory. Kate made them move along. “That’s enough, that’s enough! Move on, move on, move on.” And then we had a white boy museum in hell. And we also had something rigged up something where they couldn’t see, but they…no…. I can’t remember if they could see, or just hear what was going on in heaven.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;In hell, there was only crackers and water. In heaven, was chocolate and wine. And we had made a big cloud, and people got to have their picture taken in heaven to prove they made it. You know, we had all the good stuff in heaven.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Then we acted out the seven deadly sins in play form. We put all of our friends on chairs in the freight elevator and we acted out the plays on the different floors. So then we took our friends down in the elevator. They were reasonably terrified, but they got used to it. And we’d stop on a floor, and there’d be a two-minute skit for sloth. And then there’d be a two-minute skit for whatever the others would be. So we did that, too. So we always had an art component to our [parties]. And they were just incredibly elaborate. Like two hundred or more people would come. And it was totally fun.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;AF: How much do you think that you bought lessons from South Baltimore here, as far as neighborhood and community?&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;CH: Yeah. For myself, not very much, really.  Because I moved to Baltimore from Annapolis. So I was very involved in the Annapolis community and politics and activism. I was part of a tenants’ rights group in Annapolis. But when I moved to Baltimore, to move in with Dennis, I probably was only in that rowhouse in South Baltimore for just a couple of years before we moved here.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;But for Dennis, he bought a lot of what he learned. And in fact, when we moved in this neighborhood, Dale Hargrave, who I said, is the current president of New Greenmount West [Community Association], was already living here. And Dennis knew Dale, because Dale did recycling in South Baltimore and was part of the Recycling Coalition that Dennis and others were part of. So he had contacts everywhere. And he brought in our experience—which was his experience, much more than mine—of watching something that was vibrant and mixed and a wonderful soup of people become bland and vanilla. And healthy, I guess, but just… I don’t know.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Life left the streets for us. That’s how he saw it. I’m sure that people living there now don’t feel that way. It’s not to disparage them. But there was something that was there that he truly loved that left. And so he found it here. And he didn’t want to see it leave again. So he tried to figure out what happened in South Baltimore.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Part of it was that a bunch of developers came in and bought up houses. And the community association, I guess, was not prepared for this somehow. So he wanted this community association to be prepared. “Hey, this is going to take off. This is going to take off. Developers are going to show up here.” And they are! He was absolutely right. They’re going to show up here, and we need make sure that they come to the community association. That&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;we know&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;what’s going on in our neighborhood. We had lots of abandon houses here that the City owned. We didn’t want the City just taking them all and selling them to whoever. You know? We wanted to know who they are going to. What are their plans?&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;So Dennis took that from his experience from COPO [Coalition of Peninsula Organizations]—You know, the coalitions that he had there around community organizations. He was involved with… I can’t remember. Oh, what was it? There was an African American neighborhood that was slated…&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;AF: Oh. Sharp-Leadenhall.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;CH: Sharp-Leadenhall. Dennis was vice president of COPO and therefore was very involved with Sharp-Leadenhall and making sure that community&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;remained&lt;/i&gt;. Because developers were breathing down their necks trying to get that community. And this was affordable public housing. And they just wanted the land, you know? They were seeing dollar [signs].&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;And that community won. But they were really organized. And had this woman named Mildred Moon, I believe her name was, who was just an amazing organizer. She was great. And then she had all this other help from other—you know, COPO was a coalition of community organizations—so she had help from other organizations, but she was leading it, and she knew just what do.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;So he bought a lot, I think, to this neighborhood. I think that the thing that we both bought is social activism, being able to look around and feel like we want to be a part of our community and we want to find out what the community feels it’s lacking and what it might want, and see if we can figure out a way to leverage.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;CH: Dennis and I are political activists, too. We have both have been activists all our lives. So we wanted to get very involved in our neighborhood. And the first thing we did was we went over… There was school across the way from us—now a Montessori public school—but it had been called Mildred Monroe [School #32, Mildred D. Monroe Elementary School]. It was a public school. It was named after a janitor. One of the few, if not only, schools in Maryland, and maybe the country, I don’t know, named after a janitor.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;We found out that they didn’t have an art teacher at the school. And we were horrified. We couldn’t imagine, either one of us, having gotten through school without art. So we decided to volunteer our time and to become the art teacher for Mildred Monroe on Fridays. We could only… You know, we had to do some real work, to make ends meet. So we picked Friday, and we became the art teachers for the kids at Mildred Monroe. And that was a wonderful entry into the community, because we’d meet all the kids, and then you’d meet their families and stuff.&lt;span id="more-164"&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Bob [Levine] and Kate [Thomas] helped us. I was in a program at the time to get a Master’s degree in non-profit organization, because my graphic design business only dealt with non-profits. My slogan was “do no harm,” so I didn’t do Chanel No. 5 ads and stuff; it was all work for non-profits. But I thought that I should understand them better. I sat on lots of boards. So I was in that program, and I created a non-profit for us as one of my projects, called “The Cork Factory Inc.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;We got other artists to help us, too. But then, unfortunately, the wisdom of school board in Baltimore closed that school. It was doing really well. It had small classes. And that was the problem—they thought that it was under-utilized. So then we launched a fight to save our school, using our art talent for posters and stickers and whatever other way we could whip up support. And it didn’t work. And then our kids went to Dallas Nicholas [School #39, Dallas F. Nicholas Sr. Elementary School] up the way.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;And we decided at that point, Kate [Thomas] and Bob [Levine] and myself and Dennis—There was an opportunity to buy the gallery space next door to the space that I’m living in, 4 North. And we decided that we should do that. So we bought it together. And what we did is we taught the children fine arts as best as we could.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;So we continued teaching our kids. We went into Dallas Nicholas and we taught them fine art. They did printmaking. And they did painting. Things like that. Photography. And then we gave them a show in the gallery. And we hung their work. And we tried to do it during open studios, so that we would definitely have an audience to come. And often it hung with our own work, or other people’s work in the building. And they acted as little docents for their work. And it was a really good thing for them. It helped build confidence in them. Their work sold. So sometimes, they would make forty, fifty dollars in a week, which was fantastic. I mean, this is a low-income neighborhood. We had parents come in that had never seen live art. They had never been to a museum. They had only seen art in books. So they had never seen paintings or anything. And now they’re seeing their own child’s work as well as professional artists’ [work]. So it was really fun. It was a great, fun project.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;AF: From the perspective where you sit today, how do you really feel about your role in this community, and also looking ahead, as far as the evolution of this area?&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;BL: Well, I think the effect is when I was first living here, when Kate [Thomas] and I were first living here, until people started moving into the Copy Cat building, the neighborhood was actually pretty dangerous. We would get our cars broken into all the time, and stolen a number of times. We’d be calling about gunfights that you could actually see out the windows. Then, as the artists moved in, and they were up all hours of the night, that started to change.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Gradually, over time, things have really changed. People are now more willing to come here to go to these studios, more willing to go to the Charles Theatre, they’re even willing to go to some of the theaters that are on North Avenue. And that was kind of unheard of.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The gentrification issue, the SoHo effect, has been talked a lot about by everybody here. And it’s something that we are trying to prevent. We have that a certain amount of the housing is designated for Section 8 housing. So that, in a way, prevents some of it from happening.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;[Phone rings – interview pauses]&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;But the community association and the Station North Arts Association want to prevent that, because we don’t want to be in the situation where the artists can’t afford to be here. So we’re happy that the property values are going up, but we don’t want them to start skyrocketing and having it so that we can’t live here, that it’s only going to be women’s clothing stores and theaters. We want to keep it.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                  <text>This collection examines collective ownership of artists' live-work spaces in Baltimore, Maryland’s Station North Arts and Entertainment District. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Interviews were conducted between October 2012 and July 2013 with artists and residents of the Cork Factory warehouse at 1601 Guilford Avenue in Station North. Topics include the history of the Cork Factory building, development of the state’s first arts and entertainment district, the process of redevelopment and neighborhood change, as well as personal histories from artists and activists involved with the project. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The complete collection--which consists of 10 audio interviews, corresponding transcripts, and photographs of interviewees--is available through the &lt;a href="https://archivesspace.ubalt.edu/repositories/2/resources/112"&gt;online collection guide&lt;/a&gt;.</text>
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                  <text>Aiden Faust conducted the interviews and took the associated portraits between October 2012 and July 2013. Aiden curated the exhibit in August 2014 and added it to this site in October 2019.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://archivesspace.ubalt.edu/repositories/2/resources/112"&gt;Station North Oral History Collection, UB Special Collections &amp;amp; Archives&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://langsdale.ubalt.edu/special-collections/"&gt;University of Baltimore Special Collections &amp;amp; Archives&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>Use of these images is governed by U.S. copyright law. The University of Baltimore Special Collections and Archives makes digital surrogates of collections accessible if they are in the public domain, the rights are owned by the University of Baltimore, the Special Collections and Archives has permission to make them accessible, or there are no known restrictions on use. Due to the nature of archival collections, rights information is not always discernible. The Special Collections and Archives is eager to hear from any rights owners wishing to provide accurate information. Upon request, material will be removed from view while a rights issue is addressed. Contact the Special Collections and Archives for more information regarding this image.</text>
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                  <text>Transcription of the interviews in this collection was made possible through the support of the University of Baltimore Foundation's Baltimore Renaissance Seed Scholarship Fund.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;AF: As far as city government is concerned, and the process of rezoning this building for live/work space, how did that get started?&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;BL: A lot of the spaces across the street in the Copy Cat Building, which was also part of Crown Cork and Seal, got occupied by fairly activist artists. One of them was David Crandall at the time. There was an entity that the state was creating called an arts and entertainment district. They created it with the idea that it was going to go to Highlandtown, where the Creative Alliance is. They tailored it right to them. And David Crandall initiated this procedure of, “Why should it go to them? It’s got to be competitive, so why don’t we compete for it?”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span id="more-116"&gt;&lt;/span&gt;So Dennis Livingston and I and Al Zaruba and a whole bunch of other people—Jim Vose, some other people that are no longer in the area, Michael Johnson, who had a theater in sort of a funky building on North Avenue, and some people who weren’t active in it, but signed petitions, like Buzz Cusack, who owns the Charles Theatre—decided to make an effort to get that designation for ourselves. When it came up to the presentation, we made the presentation effective, a very dramatic presentation that we were actually the place that artists were living, so we should where the arts and entertainment district was. And so we actually got the first designated arts and entertainment district.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Once we became the arts and entertainment district, then it became clear to the City that the zoning department would have to make some way for the artists to actually live here legally, because when you broke it down, everybody who was living here was a squatter. So we worked with the zoning department. They were very cooperative and we had some help from the Mayor’s office in the form of Kirby Fowler. I’m not sure what he’s head of right now. I think it’s the Downtown Business Development District. I’m not positive what it is. [Note: Kirby Fowler is President of the Downtown Partnership of Baltimore, Inc. and the Executive Director of the Downtown Management Authority.] But he’s a mover and shaker in this type of activity.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;We met with the zoning department. It was kind of clear that all these buildings were zoned M-1, which is just for manufacturing. So nobody was actually legally allowed to live here. In Maryland, there is no live/work designation. Even office residential is not—you can’t live and work in the same place. So the way you get around it is you create what are called PUDs—Planned Unit Developments. And what a PUD is, it’s a City Council bill, where the City Council assesses an exemption from the normal zoning, and approves it or disapproves it. If they approve it, the PUD exists.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;So a PUD, the Planned Unit Development, has to be made up of buildings that are contiguous to each other. So we had to enlist all of the buildings in the whole district in order to create this PUD. And essentially it allows us to do whatever we want to do, within reason. It’s specified, as long as we meet the housing, fire, and building codes. So we had to get approved by all of those. So once we did that, we got the inspectors in, and Kirby Fowler was very helpful in coordinating all of that. We were the first building that was approved, that got its occupancy permit.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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